“What do you do?” is often one of the first questions you ask when meeting someone new. That’s because, for most people, identity is inextricably tied to work. Professionals, in particular, draw heavily on their work for a sense of identity—think of doctors, scientists, or high-level executives.
And then there are investment bankers.
“For them, nothing matters,” says Maxine Robertson of Queen Mary University of London. “They literally don’t have a self—it is bypassed, put to one side.” This attitude is so unique, and so extreme, that Robertson and fellow researchers invented a new term to describe it.
In a paper published in the latest issue of the journal, Organization Studies, Robertson and co-author Mats Alvesson of Lund University in Sweden dub it “teflonic identity maneuvering.” That is, investment bankers actively avoid adopting any sort of identity associated with their work—in other words, nothing sticks.
Nowhere man (and woman)
That conclusion comes from a series of interviews with senior bankers in London. “Despite extensive and repeated interviews with each, there was an absence of a clear or rich story of identity,” the professors write. “Meaningfulness, emotions, and personal investment in work values were not salient in their career histories.”
There is money, of course.
It’s not surprising that professionals in the sector say that they’re in it for the money, Robertson tells Quartz. But what sets investment bankers apart is that they don’t use money to convey special status or establish a unique personal identity. Instead, they buy the same expensive suits and accessories as their colleagues, in order to blend in and draw attention away from themselves. Remind you of something?
Living a fantasy
In the research, bankers suggested that they were postponing their identities rather than negating them. They spoke of vague, general plans for an “expansive and independent life” in the future, after they left banking. But Robertson suspects this might be “fantasy”—some talked about being able to provide for their families when they didn’t even have a partner at the time.
There are also some caveats. The researchers only interviewed six bankers, although they spoke with each a dozen times over a two-year period. Despite the small sample, the fact that each subject independently showed the same unusually detached attitude towards identity is significant. (And this is hardly the only study to lay bare thetoxic culture of big investment banks.) That said, the subjects were all relatively senior bankers with long tenures in the industry, suggesting that these characteristics may apply only to those who commit to investment banking for the long term.
What is it about banks that attract the smart and ambitious only to transform them into amoral automatons in expensive suits? Robertson reckons that it might be the peculiar mix of the highly specialized expertise and almost no job security.
“People can’t live like that, so you become like this,” she says. “It seems odd for the bankers, and it can’t be healthy for the organization.” Indeed, would the endless and expensive cycle of misbehevior at big banks be reduced if employees were encouraged to seek meaning beyond money alone?
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China's stock markets sank sharply today (Aug. 21), dragging Asian stock markets lower and setting the stage for another grim day in Europe and the US.
The Shanghai Composite Index fell 4.3%, and briefly dipped below the 3,500 level at which the government has stepped in previously to prop the market up. The index fell more than 11% during the week. Despite more than $1 trillion worth of government support measures, stocks have not really stabilized since they started stumbling in June.
One trigger for today's drop was the independent "flash" manufacturing purchasing managers index (PMI), a measure of manufacturing conditions. The index fell to its lowest level since 2009, spooking investors.
The number was a nasty surprise. But the problem that has dogged China's markets (and the rest of the world) all week isn't just that a long-expected China slowdown is truly emerging. The really spooky thing is that no one has any idea of how bad things in China are going to get. Analysts, investors, consultants, and an entire zoo full of "China bears" have been churning out reports on what a potential Chinese economic slowdown will look like for months, even years.
But now that it is upon us, the dearth of reliable, non-manipulated data coming from China and the opaqueness of its big companies, government, and banks, mean that most of these reports are educated guesswork. And that means no one can say for sure what will happen in the world's second-largest economy. "Uncertainty about China growth is now the main swing factor in markets," Tim Condon, an economist at ING Group in Singapore, told Reuters today.
China's GDP, for example, has long been considered a carefully-managed charade. The country's scarily high bad debts are believed by many bears to be seriously under-reported, although nobody outside of the banks themselves really knows by how much.
That may be why markets reacted so sharply to the "preliminary" PMI figure. This is one of the few independent measures of China's manufacturing growth, compiled by Markit and newly sponsored by Chinese business news outlet Caixin, which recently took over from HSBC. China has an officially generated PMI as well, but that figure nearly always comes in equal to or higher than the Markit figure.
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The deadly explosions that took place at a warehouse storing dangerous chemicals in Tianjin last week killed over a hundred people, cost billions of dollars, and have raised serious questions about China's industrial safety and emergency preparedness. Local land and waterways may be polluted for years to come.
Even as the government censors online "rumors" and legitimate press reports, Chinese media, including state-run outlets, have launched in-depth investigations into Ruihai International Logistics, the company that owned the warehouse and specializes in storing all manner of highly toxic chemicals. These reports point to strong political connections between the company and government officials, implying corruption played a huge role in the company's growth and on-going operations.
Xi Jinping's far-reaching anti-corruption drive has ensnared top party officials, curbed massive spending on bribes and reached deep into industries from oil to media to railways over the past two years. But as the Tianjin blasts show, in some places business in China is still being done exactly the same way it was before he took office—the powerfully-connected get favors and special treatment that benefits them and their companies, and the rest of the country pays.
Ruihai's politically-connected founders
The founders of Ruihai are the son of a former police officer and a former state company executive, state-run Xinhua news agency reported on Aug. 19, based on interviews with the founders. These men are also the only two shareholders of the company, the founders told Xinhua, but they own their stakes in it through other people.
Yu Xuewei, 41, former executive at state-run chemical company Sinochem, holds 55% of Ruihai's shares, though his cousin is listed publicly as the holder of those shares, he told Xinhua. Yu still sits on the board of directors of Tianjin Port Sinochem Dangerous Goods Logistics Co., a subsidiary of Sinochem, as AP reported on Aug. 21.
Dong Shexuan, 34, the son of a former police chief for Tianjin Port, holds 45% of the shares, through schoolmate is the publicly-listed holder. Both the founders and the public holders are in police custody.
The two founders told Xinhua that they used their political connections to win benefits for Ruihai, though neither admitted to paying a bribe. In particular, they say their connections have helped Ruihai to pass government inspections on handling dangerous chemicals business, including to obtaining various fire safety, land, environmental and safety certifications, Xinhua reported. Dong told the news agency:
My guanxi [connections] is in police and fire. When we needed a fire inspection, I went to meet with officials at the Tianjin port fire squad. I gave them the files and soon they gave me the appraisal.
[pullquote]My guanxi is in police and fire. [/pullquote]The founders' interviews are somewhat puzzling. Public confessions by detained activists and lawyers have become common in China, but it is highly unusual to see news reports like this as part of an ongoing news investigation.
Ruihai was unlicensed
A company website says Ruihai was established in 2011 and is licensed to transport dangerous goods. It has 70 employees, posts annual revenue of over 30 million yuan ($4.7 million), and can handle about 1 million tons of cargo a year.
Ruihai's warehouse before the blasts.
But according tothe National Company Credit Information System, a company registration website administered by the State Administration for Industry and Commerce (SAIC), Ruihai was established in December 2012. The company was not supposed to handle dangerous chemicals until Tianjin Municipal Transportation Commission, Tianjin's branch of the state's Ministry of Transport, issued a license. Information on the website only shows the title of the license document, and says Ruihai was licensed to handle dangerous chemicals until October 2014.
But a license document (link in Chinese), which was made public by the Beijing News on Thursday, shows that Ruihai, on a trial basis, was authorized to store nine different dangerous goods at its warehouse only from Apr. 16 to Oct. 16, 2014. Both the title and the end date match online information on the trade group-administered website. The document, dated May 4, 2014, is marked "confidential."
Xinhua's August 19 report confirms the existence of the document and says the company only got another formal license this June, meaning it had been handling dangerous chemicals without any approval for eight months. It quotes founder Yu:
"After the first license expired, we applied for an extension. We did not cease operation because we did not think it was a problem. Many other companies have continued working without a license," said Yu Xuejun.
Even Ruihai's official license may be illegal. Chinese laws say business shouldn't be licensed to handle dangerous chemicals until they go through safety assessments and complete inspections. Ruihai's safety assessment was only completed in August 2014, the Beijing News reported—that's after Tianjin authorities trial approval in May.[pullquote]Many other companies have continued working without a license.[/pullquote]
Calls made by Quartz to Ruihai were not returned.
Safety regulations were ignored
The August 2014 safety assessment report allows Ruihai to store dangerous chemicals in their warehouse a mere 560 meters away from a nearby housing estate, despite Chinese regulations consider any distance less than 1,000 meters is unsafe, Xinhua reported on August 19.
“The first company said it was too close to residential buildings and violated the regulations, so we wouldn’t pass,” Dong told Xinhua.“Then we found another company who got us the documents we needed.” So far the safety assessment report hasn't been made public by authorities, Xinhua reported in a more detailed article in Chinese on August 19.
Tianjin Zhongbin Haishen is the safety evaluation company who examined Ruihai. The company's public liaison is the National Engineering Research Center for Fire Protection, which is supervised by the Ministry of Public Security, according to SAIC's company registration website.
Residents demand compensation for damage to their homes after the Tianjin blasts.
An environmental-impact report ordered by the Tianjin Environmental Protection Bureau in December 2013 said a survey of local residents found that 100% of responders agreed that Ruihai should go ahead with the construction of a warehouse for containing dangerous chemicals in the area, Xinhua reported. Some residents interviewed by the news agency said they had never seen such a survey, nor had they even known of the existence of a nearby chemical warehouse before the blasts.
A "fat meat"
Tianjin is the closest port to Beijing, and accounted for 70% (link in Chinese) of the dangerous goods shipments into China's largest city last year. But only three logistic companies are licensed to handle nine categories of dangerous chemicals. Ruihai is the only private company among them, Chinese media has reported.
There are about 40 logistics companies in port area. Others also have tried to get licensed to handle chemicals, but none has got an approval, the Beijing News noted.
One person in charge of a local logistic firm told the newspaper that the business of dangerous chemicals storage is "fat meat"— an industry where monopolies mean it is two or three times more profitable than ordinary goods shipment.
Ten Ruihai executives, including Yu and Dong, were detained soon after the blasts occurred. A week after the blasts, China's top official on work safety, Yang Dongliang,was also taken into custody for “suspected violations of party discipline and the law”— a standard euphemism for corruption. Until one day before his arrest, Yang, who is also the former vice mayor of Tianjin, was still supervising the rescue work after the expositions. Authorities have not said whether his detention is related to the blasts.
The People's Daily, the party's paramount mouthpiece, compared the incident to former anti-corruption cases in an editorial (link in Chinese) on Aug. 17:
“We have investigated thoroughly and handled publicly in big cases on Zhou Yongkang, Xu Caihou, Guo Boxiong, and Ling Jihua [four fallen high-rank officials amid President Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign]. Is it necessary for us to conceal a safety accident? How can officials cover up one another?”
As more details of the Tianjin blasts have come to light, there are signs that China's top leadership is furious. Xi's anti-corruption campaign is being thwarted by forces within China, according to an editorial (link in Chinese) carried by state media August 20 under a pen name. "The scale of the resistance is beyond what could have been imagined."
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The roots of Greece's crisis are simple. Before Greece joined the Eurozone, investors treated it as a middle-income country with poor governance — which is to say, a credit risk. After Greece joined the Eurozone, investors thought that Greece was no longer a credit risk — they figured, if push came to shove, other Eurozone members like Germany would bail Greece out. They were wrong.
As this chart, via the American Enterprise Institute's Desmond Lachman, shows, after Greece joined the Eurozone, investors began lending to Greece at about the same rates as they lend to Germany. Faced with this sudden availability of cheap money, Greece began borrowing like crazy. And then, when it couldn't pay back its debts, it turned out financial markers were wrong: Germany and other Eurozone nations weren't willing to simply bail Greece out.
That led the market to panic around 2010, and you can see interest rates on Greek debt spike once again. Those high interest rates make it basically impossible for Greece to borrow, and that makes it impossible for Greece to pay its debts.
The result: Greece is insolvent and the Eurozone isn't as tight a union as the financial markets — and maybe the Eurozone's member states — believed. That's the crisis.
2) Greece's debt-to-GDP ratio is an insane 172%
It's much higher than any other country in the Eurozone. But making matters worse is the fact that the financial markets no longer see Greece as debt-worthy. No one wants to lend to Greece at reasonable rates, and so Greece can't keep paying to service its current debts while carrying out basic government functions.
3) This is the most important chart if you live in Greece
Greece's problems are often framed as a financial crisis, or a political crisis. But what they really are is a human crisis. Unemployment in Greece is over 25 percent now — higher than the United States during the Great Depression. And high unemployment is leading to political backlash.
The latest round of the Greek crisis began when Greece rejected its two main political parties in favor of the far-left Syriza. The main reason? Syriza promised to free Greece from the grinding austerity that was leading to such widespread human misery. The only problem? Syriza had no actual plan for freeing Greece from austerity; they tried to renegotiate the terms of the Eurozone's support for Greece and came away basically empty handed.
And so Syriza is asking the Greek people to vote on whether to accept the Eurozone's terms — and, by proxy, to remain in the Eurozone. The vote is basically a final, desperate ploy for leverage, and one that's likely to fail. Either the Greek people endorse more of the same, which Syriza doesn't want, or they reject the Eurozone's offer, and basically have to leave the Eurozone, which would also be a disaster.
This is perhaps the most important, and most depressing, reality of the Greek crisis: there are no good outcomes that are remotely plausible.
4) Greece's recession is worse than America's Great Depression
This chart also comes via the American Enterprise Institute's Desmond Lachman, who presented it in testimony before Congress. His summation is about as concise a description of the economic nightmare the country is living through that you'll find, so I'll quote it at length:
Over the past six years, Greece has experienced an economic depression on the scale of that experienced by the United States in the 1930s. Its economy has contracted by around 25 percent, its unemployment rate has exceeded 25 percent, and its youth unemployment has risen to over 50 percent.
At the same time, despite five years of budget austerity and a major write-down of its privately owned sovereign debt, Greece's public debt to GDP ratio has risen to 180 percent. At the heart of Greece's economic collapse has been the application of draconian budget austerity within a Euro straitjacket. That straitjacket has precluded exchange rate depreciation or the use of an independent monetary policy as a policy offset to the adverse impact of budget belt-tightening on aggregate demand.
In other words, the debt crisis destroyed Greece's economy, which in turn destroyed Greece's ability to pay back its creditors or employ its people, which in turn forced Greece to beg the Eurozone and IMF for help and the austerity measures they demanded destroyed Greece's economy even more.
This chart, by Max Roser, shows how widespread the economic pain in Greece has been. It tracks Greek incomes since 1974, with different colored lines corresponding to different income groups.
But no matter which income group you look at, the story is the same: incomes are plummeting, often to levels not seen since the 1970s or 1980s. This is one reason the anger in Greek society is so widespread: no economic group is safe from the crisis.
This is a particularly depressing chart about Greece's long-term prospect from Quartz. Before the crisis, Greece's population was growing. Since the crisis, it's shrinking. And it's a good bet that the people leaving Greece are some of the most economically productive. After all, it's a lot easier to emigrate if you have an engineering PhD and resources than if you lack in-demand skills and the money necessary to travel. But as rational as Greek emigration is, it means it will be that much harder for the Greek economy to recover.
7) Money is fleeing Greek banks
Greece is in the throes of a full-fledged bank run. You can see it in photos: the Greek people have been lining up at ATMs to pull their money out. But you can also see it in this chart, which shows Greek bank deposits falling to their lowest levels in a decade.
The reason? Greeks are worried that Greece is going to leave the Euro, in whole or in part. They worry that Greece is either going to return to its own currency, or in order to keep paying its debts, revert to some kind of temporary government scrip. Either way, whatever replaces euros will be worth a whole lot less than the euro, and so anyone who can get their money out is doing it as fast as they can.
Or, at least, they were doing it as fast as they can. Greece has shut down its banks and imposed limits on daily ATM withdrawals in order to end the run.
8) This is now a Greek crisis, not a Eurozone crisis
A few years ago, Greece's crisis was the Eurozone's crisis. After all, it wasn't just Greece sagging under the weight of debts it couldn't obviously pay back; it was Spain, Portugal, and Italy, to name just a few.
But no longer. This chart, using Bloomberg data, shows the price of 10-year government bonds from Greece (orange), Portugal (blue), Spain (red), and Italy (green) over the last five years. Focus on the right edge of the chart. You can see prices on Greek bonds rising amidst the latest panic. But Spain, Portugal and Italy are unperturbed. The Eurozone has convinced the financial markets that this a Greek problem, not a Eurozone problem.
While that may be good for the Eurozone, it's bad for Greece, as it reduces their negotiating leverage. Four years ago, the Eurozone believe that it needed to save Greece to survive. Now it thinks it can survive a "Grexit" just fine.
9) Greece has done a lot of austerity
As my colleague Matt Yglesias writes, the austerity question is a bit twisted when it comes to Greece. In America, austerity was a choice: markets were, and are, happy to lend us more money. In Greece, however, markets have no interest in lending to Greece, and so the alternative to accepting the austere conditions imposed by the Eurozone and the IMF is is accepting the yet-more severe austerity that markets would force.
That said, there is a peculiar narrative that Greece has somehow been resisting the imposition of austerity. That narrative is dead wrong.
The unemployment numbers should put to rest any belief that the Greek people are somehow surviving this crisis unscathed, but if you want something more specific, then this chart, via the Center for European Reform's Simon Tillford, is useful. If you take 2007 as a baseline, Greece has cut government spending by much more than other Eurozone countries.
Indeed, as Paul Krugman wrote, "If you add up all the austerity measures, they have been more than enough to eliminate the original deficit and turn it into a large surplus."
But Greece is in worse shape than ever. Why? Krugman again: "Because the Greek economy collapsed, largely as a result of those very austerity measures, dragging revenues down with it."
The Greeks may not have had a choice other than austerity. But austerity has still been a disaster for them.
10) The value of the Euro held against the dollar — and that's been a disaster for Greece
This chart shows the value of the euro against the dollar, and the basic takeaway is simple: it's held pretty steady through Greece's crisis.
That's been a disaster for Greece.
The normal way a country like Greece would deal with these kinds of problems is to sharply devalue their currency in order to boost tourism and exports. But because Greece is part of the euro, and because they don't control Eurozone monetary policy, they haven't been able to devalue. (Eurozone monetary policy is controlled by the European Central Bank, which is more or less controlled by Germany, and so, unsurprisingly, Eurozone monetary policy has been much better for Germany than for Greece.)
So membership in the Eurozone has slammed Greece coming and going: it led to the crazy borrowing rates that fueled the crisis and then it made the crisis much more painful for Greece.
For more on the failure of the euro in the crisis, see this great piece for Tim Lee.
11) Greece is crap at collecting taxes
Speaking of tax revenues, there's no real need to belabor this, but Greece is unusually bad at collecting taxes. These numbers come from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, and they show what an outlier Greece is when it comes to tax collection. This isn't the cause of Greece's crisis, but it's definitely not helping them get out of it.
12) Two views of Greece's economic boom — and crash
World Bank data/Matt Yglesias
This chart, which my colleague Matt Yglesias made with World Bank data and the program Paintbrush, is a bit odd, but it's makes an important point. I'll let him explain it.
"The magenta line is more or less how things look to Greek people. Since 2008 or so, under the watchful eye of European Union elites (the central bank, the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund, the government of Germany, etc.), the Greek economy has completely collapsed. And the Greek population has been thrown into a state of dire immiseration."
"The yellow line reflects more how things look to European officialdom. Greece is about on track for where you would expect it to be if you extrapolated forward from the pre-euro era. The prosperity of seven years ago was a bubble, driven by imprudent lending and dodgy government finances. Meanwhile, though Greece is a lot poorer than it was it's not actually a poor country in the global sense. As a supplicant looking for charity, Greece is a lot less compelling than India or Guatemala or any number of sub-Saharan African countries."
13) The Greek people don't think their voice counts in the Eurozone (and they're right)
This 2014 poll by the European Commission offers a damning look at the resentments building within the Eurozone. Only 23 percent of Greeks — they are, confusing for Americans, abbreviated as "EL" on the above chart — believe their voice is listened to within the Eurozone. But perhaps more tellingly, only 52 percent of Germans — abbreviated as "DE" — feel the same.
This speaks to the fact that while the Greeks feel completely oppressed by the Eurozone, Germans, despite their strength, also feel like they're getting a raw deal because they've had to subsidize countries like Greece. Indeed, a March poll found that a majority of Germans wanted to see Greece leave the Eurozone.
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